G.R. No. 95445. August 06, 1991

MANILA PUBLIC SCHOOL TEACHERS ASSOCIATION, FIDEL FABABIER, MERLIN ANONUEVO, MINDA GALANG AND OTHER TEACHER-MEMBERS SO NUMEROUS SIMILARLY SITUATED, PETITIONERS-APPELLANTS, VS. TH…

Decisions / Signed Resolutions August 6, 1991 EN BANC NARVASA, J.:
Download PDF


NARVASA, J.:


The series of events that touched off these cases started with
the so-called “mass action” undertaken by some 800 public school
teachers, among them members of the petitioning associations in both cases, on September 17, 1990
to “dramatize and highlight”[1]
the teachers’ plight resulting from the alleged failure of the public
authorities to act upon grievances that had time and again been brought to the latter’s attention.

The petition in G.R. No.
95590 alleges in great detail the character and origins of those grievances as
perceived by the petitioners, and the attempts to negotiate their correction;[2]
these are more briefly, but quite adequately and with no sacrifice of relevant content, set forth in the petition in G.R. No. 95445, portions of which are
quoted hereunder without necessarily affirming their objective truth or
correctness:

“3. Together
with other teachers embracing the Teachers and Employees Consultative Council
(TECC) and the Alliance of Concerned Teachers, the petitioners, in accordance
with their Constitution and By-Laws, resolved to engage in mass concerted actions, after
peaceful dialogues with the heads of the Department of the Budget and
Management, Senate and House of Representatives in public hearings as well as
after exhausting all administrative remedies, to press for, among other things,
the immediate payment of due chalk, clothing allowances, 13th month pay for
1989 arising from the implementation of
the Salary of Standardization Law, the recall of DECS Order 39 s. 1990
directing the oversizing of classes and
overloading
of teachers pursuant to the cost-cutting measures of the government, the hiring of 47,000 new teachers
to ease the overload of existing teachers, the return of the additional 1% real
property taxes collected by local government units to education purposes to be administered by the Local School Boards, and
consequent recall of DBM Circulars Nos. 90-4 and 9011 and local budget circular
No. 47 consistent with RA 5447 and the new Constitution mandating that
education shall enjoy the highest budgetary priority in the national budget,
and other equally important demands; The dialogues and conferences
initiated
by the petitioners and other teacher organizations were as early as March 14,
1989, March 14, 1990, April 23, 1990, May 28, 1990, June 5, 1990, September 3,
1990 and September 14, 1990 with the Civil Service Commission, the Senate and
House of Representatives, Department of Budget and Management and the
Department of Education, Culture and Sports, but all these did not result in
the granting of the demands of the petitioners,
leaving them with no other recourse but to take direct mass action such as the
one they engage in three weeks ago.

4.  On September
14, 1990, the petitioners and other teachers in other cities and
municipalities in Metro Manila, staged a protest rally at the DECS premises without disrupting classes as a last
call for the government to negotiate the granting of demands.  No response was made by the respondent
Secretary of Education, despite the demonstration so the petitioners began the
ongoing protest mass actions on
September 17, 1990. 
***”
[3]

September 17, 1990
fell on a Monday, which was also a regular school day.  There is no question that the some 800
teachers who joined the mass action did not conduct their classes on that day;
instead, as alleged in the petition in G.R.
No. 95590,[4]
they converged at the Liwasang Bonifacio
in the morning whence they proceeded to the National Office of the Department
of Education, Culture and Sports (DECS) for a whole-day assembly.  At about 1:00
o’clock p.m., three representatives of the group were allowed to
see the respondent Secretary of Education who “*** brushed aside their
grievances,” warned them that they would lose their jobs for going on
illegal and unauthorized mass leave. 
Upon leaving said respondent’s presence, they were handed an order
directing all participants in the mass action to return to work in 24 hours or
face dismissal, and a memorandum directing the DECS officials concerned to initiate dismissal proceedings against
those who did not comply and to hire their replacements.[5]
Those directives notwithstanding, the mass actions continued into the week,
with more teachers joining in the days that followed.  In its issue of September 19, 1990, the newspaper Manila Standard reported
that the day previous, the respondent Secretary of Education had relieved 292
teachers who did not return to their classes. 
The next day, however, another daily, Newsday, reported that the
Secretary had revoked his dismissal order and instead placed 56 of the 292
teachers under preventive suspension, despite which the protesters’ numbers had
swelled to 4,000.[6]

On the record, what did happen was that, based on reports submitted
by the principals of the various public schools in Metro-Manila, the respondent
Secretary of Education had filed motu proprio administrative complaints against the
teachers who had taken part in the mass actions and defied the return-to-work order
on assorted charges like grave misconduct, gross neglect of duty, gross
violation of the Civil Service Law, absence without official leave, etc., and
placed them under 90-day preventive suspension. 
The respondents were served copies of the charge sheets and given five
(5) days to submit answer or explanation.  Later, on October 8, 1990, the
respondent Secretary constituted an investigating committee of four (4) to determine and take the
appropriate course of action on the formal charges and designated the special
prosecutors on detail with the DECS to handle their prosecution during the
formal hearings.[7]

On October 11, 1990,
the respondent Secretary of Education rendered the first of his now-questioned
decisions on the administrative complaints. 
In Case No. DECS 90-002, he found
twenty (20) respondent teachers guilty of the charges preferred against them
and dismissed them from office, effective immediately.[8]
In the other investigations that followed and as of December 3, 1990, 658
teachers were dismissed, 40 were suspended for one (1) year, 33 for nine (9)
months, and 122 for six (6) months; 398 were exonerated.[9]

Earlier, on September 19, 1990, the petitioners in G.R. No. 95445
had filed with the Regional Trial Court of Manila, Branch 18, a petition[10]
for prohibition, declaratory relief and preliminary mandatory injunction to
restrain the implementation of the return-to-work order of September 17, 1990
and the suspension or dismissal of
any teacher pursuant thereto and to declare said order null and void.  Issuance ex parte of
a temporary restraining order was sought, but seeing no compelling reason therefor, the Regional Trial Court instead set the
application for preliminary injunction for hearing, and heard the same, on September 24, 1990.  Thereafter and following the submission of
memorandums by the parties, said Court rendered judgment declaring the assailed
return-to-work order valid and binding, and dismissing the petition for lack of
merit.[11]

Review of said judgment is sought in G.R. No. 95445.

G.R. No. 95590 is a parallel original proceeding for prohibition,
mandamus and certiorari
grounded on the same state of facts and instituted for substantially the
same purpose, i.e., the invalidation of the return-to-work order of the respondent
Secretary of Education and all orders of suspension and/or dismissal thereafter
issued by said respondent against the teachers who had taken part in the mass
actions of September 17, 1990 and the days that followed.

Both cases were ordered consolidated by Resolution issued on October 25, 1990,[12]
and separate comments were filed by the Solicitor General on behalf of the
public respondents, in G.R. No.
95445 on October 31, 1990,
and in G.R. No. 95590 on December 5,
1990.[13]
On November 20, 1990 the
parties were heard in oral argument on the petitioners’ united pleas for a
temporary restraining order/mandatory injunction to restore the status quo ante and enjoin the public respondents
from continuing with the issuance of suspension orders and proceeding with the
administrative cases against the teachers involved in the mass actions.

Said pleas were denied by the Court in its Resolution of December 18, 1990,[14]
and a motion for reconsideration filed by the petitioners in G.R. No. 95590 was
likewise denied.

In two separate but identically-worded motions filed on their
behalf by Atty. Froilan M. Bacungan,[15]
the following persons, to wit:  Florita D. Guazon, Elisea G. Lazo, Gonzala G. Sioson, Esperanza
Valero, Nenita Pangilinan,
Ramon David, Aurora Bosi, Encarnita
David, Socorro Sentin, Crispulo
Santos, Rodriguez Bagana, Rodolfo D. Bacsal, Ruben Bersamina, Rodolfo
Arroyo, Irene Gadil, Rebecca Roldan,
Rosita Samson, Priscilla Avendia, Arturo Cabuhat, Rosalinda Caoili,
Angelina Corpuz, Purisima Leria, Elsie Somera, Dedaica
Jusay, Teresita partoza, Gloria Salvador, Catherine
San Agustin, Nestor Aguirre, Lorenza Real, Celia Ronquillo, Vicente Carranza,
Jessie Villanueva, Yolanda Alura, Clara Alvarez, Danilo Llamas, Ladera Panita, Myrna Sena, Zenaida Ligon, Daisy S. Conti, Danilo Caballes, Susan Maragat, Roberto Manlangit and
Elizabeth T. Aguirre, seek leave to withdraw as parties in G.R. No. 95590.  These movants claim
that they are such parties although not individually so named in the petition in said
case, being among those referred to in its
title as “other similarly
situated public school teachers too numerous to be impleaded,”
who had been administratively charged, then preventively suspended and/or
dismissed in the wake of the mass actions of September 1990.  They assert that since this Court is
not trier of facts,
they have opted to appeal the questioned decisions or actuations of the
respondent Secretary of Education to the Civil Service Commission where they
believe they will have “* * all the opportunity to introduce evidence on how (Secretary) Carino
violated their constitutional rights to due
process
of law * * security of tenure and * * peaceably to assemble and petition the government for redress of
grievances * *.”

An opposition to the first motion was filed[16]
which, briefly, contended that, as this Court had already found that the
petitioners had gone on an unlawful strike and that public respondent Carino’s acts were prima facie lawful, the motion was either an attempt at forum–shopping or meant to avoid the “inevitable
outcome” of issues already
pending final determination by the Court.

The Court’s Resolution of December 18, 1990, supra, denying the petitioners’ plea for
restoration of the status quo
ante
and to restrain/enjoin further suspensions of, and the initiation or
continuation of, administrative proceedings against the teachers involved, is
based on the following postulates:

(1)  the undenied —
indeed, the pleaded and admitted — fact that about 800 teachers, among them
the individual petitioners and other unnamed but “similarly situated”
members of the petitioning associations in both cases, unauthorizedly absented
themselves from their classes on a regular schoolday,
September 17, 1990, in order to participate in a
“mass action”
to dramatize their grievances concerning, in the main, the alleged failure of
the public authorities, either to implement at all
or to implement in a just and correct manner, certain laws and
measures intended to benefit them materially;

(2)   the fact, too, that in the days that followed,
more mass actions for the same
purpose were undertaken, notwithstanding a return-to-work order
issued by the respondent Secretary of Education; more teachers joined the
so-called “peaceful assemblies” on September 18, 1990 and the number
rising
to 4,000 on September 19, 1990;[17]

(3)   that from the pleaded and admitted facts,
these “mass actions” were to all intents and purposes a strike; they
constituted a concerted and unauthorized stoppage of, or absence from, work
which it was the teachers’ duty
to perform, undertaken for essentially economic reasons;

(4)   that this Court had already definitively
ruled that employees in the public (civil) service, unlike those in the private
sector, do not have the right to strike, although guaranteed the right to
self-organization, to petition Congress for the betterment of employment terms
and conditions and to negotiate with appropriate government agencies for the
improvement of such working conditions
as are not fixed by law;
[18]

(5)   that upon the foregoing premises, it was prima
facie
lawful and within his statutory authority for the respondent
Secretary of Education to take the actions complained of, to wit:  issue a return-to-work order, prefer
administrative charges against, and place under preventive suspension, those
who failed to comply with said order, and dismiss from the service those who
failed to answer or controvert the charges;[19]

The Court has not since been presented with any consideration of
law or established fact that would impair the validity of these postulates or
preclude continued reliance thereon for the purpose of resolving the present
petitions on their merits.

The underlying issue here is due process; not whether the petitioners
have a right to strike, which it is clear they do not, however justifiable
their reasons, nor whether or not there
was in fact such
a strike, it being
equally evident from the pleadings that there was, and there being no dispute
about this.  What, therefore, is brought
before the Court is the question of whether or not any rights of the
petitioners under the due process clause of the Constitution as it applies to
administrative proceedings were violated in the initiation, conduct, or
disposition of the investigations complained of.

Indeed, what the petitioners in G.R. No. 95590 proclaim about
denial of due process being their “paramount complaint” * * *
“central to their prayer for interlocutory relief”[20]
could as well be said of the merits of their main cause as of their plea for a
restraining order pendente lite or a preliminary injunction.

There are, however, insuperable obstacles to the Court’s taking
up that issue and resolving it in these cases. 
Said issue is not ripe for adjudication by this Court in the exercise of
its review jurisdiction; and this, for the obvious reason that it is one of
fact.  The petitions and subsequent pleadings of the petitioners allege facts and circumstances which, it is claimed, show denial of due
process, citing as supposedly “representative samples”
[21] among others:  (a) that teachers were dismissed on the sole
basis of unsworn reports of their principals and
without evidence of their alleged failure to obey the
return-to-work
order; (b) that the charge sheets failed to specify the particular charges or
offenses allegedly committed; (c) that some teachers were not furnished sworn complaints, and others were
suspended without any formal charges; (d) that teachers who attempted to return
within a reasonable time after notice of the
return-to-work order were not accepted back; and similar allegations.

These are however denied and disputed by the public respondents,
who set forth their own version, initially in their separate Comments in both
cases and, later and in greater
detail, in their Consolidated Memorandum of December 3, 1990, supra, from which the following passages are quoted:

“Petitioners in G.R. No. 95545 and G.R. No. 95590 admit engaging in strike (referred
by semantic interplay as “concerted activity” or “mass action“)
directed against public respondent Carino beginning September 17, 1990 (MPSTA Petition, pp. 3, 9; ACT Petition, pp.
15-16).

To avoid the disruption of classes, public respondent Carino, also on September 17, 1990, issued a ‘return to
work order’ reminding striking workers that in law, they cannot engage
in strike and warning them that dismissal proceedings will be instituted
against them if they do not return to work within 24 hours from their walkout (MPSTA Petition, p. 4; ACT Petition, p. 15) and a memorandum to DECS officials instructing
them
to notify the striking
teachers to return to work within 24 hours from their walkout and to initiate
dismissal proceedings against those who defy the return to work order as well
as to hire temporary
replacements (MPSTA Petition, p. 4; ACT Petition,
pp. 15-16).

The striking teachers who did not heed the return-to-work order
were administratively charged and preventively suspended for ninety days for grave misconduct, gross neglect of duty, insubordination,
refusal to perform official duty, absence without leave beginning September 17,
1990 and other violations of Civil Service Law, rules and regulations.  All the striking teachers were served with the suspension orders and the charge sheets notifying
them of the charges and
giving them
five (5)
days from receipt of the
c
harge sheets within which to
file their respective answers
.

With  the filing of the
administrative complaints and the receipt of the answers of some of the
teachers involved, public respondent Carino on
October 8, 1990 issued a Memorandum
forming an Investigation
Committee composed of Atty. Reno Capinpin of DECS
Administrative Services as Chairman; Dr. Alberto Mendoza, representing the
Division Supervisors, Atty. Evangeline de Castro, representing the City
Superintendent of Schools of Manila,
and Atty. Isaias Melegrito,
representing the National PPSTA Organization, as members.  Copy of the aforesaid Memorandum is hereto
attached
as
Annex “1”.

The committee was
authorized to meet everyday, even as Special Prosecutors from the Department of
Justice on detail with the DECS were designated to handle the prosecution
during the formal hearings (Ibid.).

Petitioners in ‘G.R. No. 95545’ and ‘G.R. No. 95590’ admit
having received
the charge
sheets and notices of
preventive
suspension wherein they were given five days from
receipt of the charges within which to file their answers (MPSTA Petition, p.
4; ACT Petition, p. 16, Annexes ‘X’ to ‘AA’).

* * *.

* * * Many striking
teachers received their preventive suspension orders and the charge
sheets from their res
p
ective
principals when they visited their schools. 
Many refused to receive
and
sign receipt
therefore; others tore up
the preventive suspension orders and charge
sheets
in front of their principals.  Instead, they took the
occasion to belittle and
insult the substitute teachers who took over their
classrooms temporarily.

The striking teachers were given a period of five days to file
their Answers in line with Sec. 8,
Rule III of Rules on Administrative
Disciplinary Cases in CSC
Memorandum Circular No. 46, S.
1989.  The motion for extension of time
to file Answer was denied by DECS Task
Force because it was
dilatory — the alleged reason being
that Atty. Fabros is handling 2,000 cases of teachers.  The DECS was constrained by Sec. 38(d) of
P.D. 807 and Sec. 8 of the Memorandum Circular mentioned which mandate that
administrative cases must be
the decided within 30 days from the filing of the
charges. 
Another reason was that
many refused to receive the
notice o
f charges
.  Also, to delay the resolution of the cases was to their disadvantage.

Moreover, another reason proferred was
that the Regional Trial Court (RTC) of Manila still had to act on the petition before it.  However, the Motion was filed AFTER the RTC
Manila had already dismissed the Petition.

Nevertheless, answers to the administrative complaints started
pouring in at the DECS, as prepared personally by the striking teachers or by their lawyers.

After initial assessments of the reports coming in from the
principals of the schools concerned and the answers of the striking teachers,
the DECS Special Task Force prepared on October 9, 1990 and submitted to
respondent Secretary Carino the Guidelines and
Criteria as to the nature of the evidence to be assessed and the corresponding penalty to be imposed against the striking
teachers, which was approved by respondent Secretary Carino
on the same day.  A copy of the aforesaid
Guidelines and Criteria is hereto attached as Annex ‘2’.  Thereafter, the DECS Special Task Force
proceeded with its task of investigating the cases against the striking
teachers.

Those who refused to sign the DECS return-to-work order, the
preventive suspension orders and the charge sheets, some even tearing up the
documents
presented to them by their principals
were considered by the DECS Special Task Force as having waived their right to
be heard; their cases had to be resolved on the basis of the records.  Nevertheless, the DECS Special Task Force
summoned the principals concerned, who then testified under oath confirming
their reports on the absences of the striking teachers.  Some clarificatory
questions were asked of them on the manner of the service of the DECS orders
and the situation obtaining in their schools.

For those who answered the charge sheets, the DECS Special Task
Force set the administrative cases for hearing. 
Many of the striking
teachers refused to appear at the
hearings but preferred
to submit their case on the basis of their answers.

With regard to those
who attended the hearings, each of the absent or striking teachers was
investigated and asked questions under oath on their answers and the reasons
for their absences and/or joining the teachers’ strike.  Some teachers reiterated their answers to the
charge sheets, either giving justifiable reasons for their absences on the days mentioned or maintaining their stubborn
stand that they have all the right to absent themselves from classes in the exercise of their constitutional right
to join mass action to demand from the government what are supposedly due
them.  Still the DECS Special Task Force
was not satisfied with their written answers and explanation during the hearings. 
The principals of the striking teachers were summoned and they confirmed
under oath their reports of absences and/or on teachers joining the strike.

After having conducted fully their investigations, the DECS Special Task Force submitted in series their
investigation reports and
recommendation for each category of striking teachers to respondent Secretary Carino.  The
investigation reports, together with their supporting documents, submitted by
the DECS Special Task Force indicated clearly the manner and conduct of the
administrative hearings, the nature and weight
of the evidence adduced,
and the corresponding penalty
or exoneration recommended.

On the bases of the investigation reports and recommendations of
the DECS Special Task Force, and after evaluating the reports and its documents
attached, respondent Secretary Carino promulgated the decisions either for exoneration,
suspension or dismissal.  Copies of the
DECS decisions of exoneration, suspension or dismissal were forwarded to the
principals of the striking teachers concerned. 
Those
exonerated were allowed
to resume their duties and received their back salaries.  Some of the teachers either suspended or
dismissed have already received the copies of the decisions, either personally
or through mail.

* * *”[22]

This copious citation is made,
not to suggest that the Court finds what is stated therein to be true and the
contrary averments of the petitions to be false, but precisely to stress that
the facts upon which the question of alleged denial of due process would turn
are still in issue, actively controverted, hence not
yet established.

It is not for the Court, which is not a trier of facts, as the
petitioners who would now withdraw correctly put it, to make the crucial
determination of what in truth transpired concerning the disputed
incidents.  Even if that were within its
competence, it would be at best a monumental task.  At any rate, the petitioners cannot — as it
seems they have done — lump together into what amounts to a class action
hundreds of individual cases, each with its own peculiar set of facts, and
expect a ruling that would justly and correctly resolve each and everyone of
those cases upon little more than general allegations, frontally disputed as
already pointed out, of incidents supposedly “representative” of each
case or group of cases.

This case illustrates the error of precipitate recourse to the
Supreme Court, especially when numerous parties disparately situated as far as
the facts are concerned gather under the umbrella of a common plea, and
generalization of what should be alleged with particularity becomes
unavoidable.  The petitioners’ obvious
remedy was NOT to halt the administrative proceedings but, on the contrary, to
take part, assert and vindicate
their rights therein, see those proceedings through to judgment and if adjudged
guilty, appeal to the Civil Service Commission; or if, pending said
proceedings, immediate recourse to judicial authority was believed necessary
because the respondent Secretary or those
a
cting under him or on his instructions were acting without or in excess
of jurisdiction, or with grave abuse of discretion, to apply, not directly to
the Supreme Court, but to the Regional Trial Court, where there would be an
opportunity to prove the relevant facts warranting corrective relief.

Parties-litigant are duty bound to observe the proper order of
recourse through the judicial hierarchy; they by-pass the rungs of the judicial
ladder at the peril of their own
causes.[23]
This Court is a court of last resort.  Its
review jurisdiction is limited to resolving
questions of law where there is
no dispute of the facts or the facts have already been determined by lower
tribunals, except only in criminal actions where capital penalties have been
imposed.

WHEREFORE, both petitions are DISMISSED, without prejudice to any appeals, if still timely,
that the individual petitioners may take to the Civil Service Commission on the
matters complained of.  The motions to
withdraw, supra, are merely NOTED, this disposition rendering any
express ruling thereon unnecessary.  No
pronouncement as to costs.

SO ORDERED.

Fernan, C.J., Melencio-Herrera,
Paras, Gancayco, Bidin, Grino-Aquino, Medialdea, Regalado, and Davide, Jr.,
JJ., concur.

Gutierrez, Jr., Cruz, Feliciano, Padilla, and Sarmiento, JJ., see dissenting opinion.


[1]
as the petition in G.R. No. 95590 puts it

[2]
Rollo, G.R. No. 95590, pp. 9-19

[3]
Rollo, G.R. No. 95445, pp. 3-4

[4]
Rollo, pp. 16-17

[5]
Annexes L and L-1, petition, G.R. No. 95590; Rollo,
p. 53

[6]
Annexes M and N, petition, G.R. No. 95590; Rollo,
pp. 54-55

[7]
Annexes X, Y, Z and AA, Petition; respondents’ Consolidated Memorandum of
December 3, 1990, pp. 3-4, and Annex 1 thereof; both in G.R. No. 95590; Rollo,
pp. 71-81, 326-327, 358; see also respondents’ Comment dated November 27, 1990,
Rollo, pp. 104, 106-107)

[8]
Annex U, Petition, G.R. No. 95590; Rollo, pp.
67-68

[9]
Public respondents’ Consolidated Memorandum; Rollo,
G.R. No. 95590, pp. 324, 350

[10]
docketed as Civil Case No. 90-54468

[11]
Annex A, Petition, G.R. No. 95445; Rollo, pp.
15-18

[12]
Rollo, G.R. No. 95590, pp. 55-56

[13]
Rollo, G.R. No. 95445, pp. 73-103; Rollo, G.R. No. 95590, pp. 104-135

[14]
Rollo, G.R. No. 95590, pp. 466-482

[15]
on February 22, 1991 and April 4, 1991; Rollo,
G.R. No. 95590, pp. 526-528; 534-537

[16]
on April 4, 1991, for the
public respondents by the Solicitor General; no opposition was filed to the subsequent motion;
it would, at any rate, have been
merely redundant, both motions being identical in terms, as already stated.

[17]
pars. 3.20 and 3.21, Petition in
G.R. No. 95590; Rollo, p. 17

[18]
Social Security System Employees Association (SSSEA) vs. Court of
Appeals, 175 SCRA 686, citing Alliance of Government Workers vs.
Minister of Labor and Employment, 124 SCRA 1

[19]
Chapters 2, 7 and 8 of Book IV, Administrative Code [E.O. 292, as amended by RA
6733; sec. 37[b], P.D. 807; sec. 28[c], RA 2260, the Civil Service Act of 1959
in relation to sec. 36 of P.D. 807; Memorandum Circular No. 30, s. 1989, of the
Civil Service Commission

[20]
Motion for Reconsideration of January
4, 1991
; Rollo, pp. 485,486

[21]
Motion for Reconsideration, supra;
Rollo, G.R. No. 95590, pp. 491 et seq.

[22]
Rollo,
G.R. No. 95590, pp. 325-327,
331-335

[23]
Enrile vs. Salazar, 186 SCRA 217, 231-232


Print

Clean
Clean

6 pt
6 pt
0
3

MicrosoftInternetExplorer4

/* Style Definitions */
table.MsoNormalTable
{mso-style-name:”Table Normal”;
mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0;
mso-tstyle-colband-size:0;
mso-style-noshow:yes;
mso-style-parent:””;
mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt;
mso-para-margin:0in;
mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt;
mso-pagination:widow-orphan;
font-size:10.0pt;
font-family:”Times New Roman”;}

dissenting OPINION

CRUZ, J.:

It appears to me from my reading of the ponencia
and the several dissents that the petitioners have established prima facie
case of arbitrariness on the part of the government that would justify direct
and immediate action from the Court as an exception to the regular procedure.

While I do agree
that there are many factual matters to be ascertained and that this task belongs in the first instance to
the administrative authorities.  I feel
that precisely because of the number and prolixity of these issues, let alone
the hundreds if not thousands of teachers involved, this Court must grant the
petitioners at least temporary relief
pending the termination of the proceedings below.  These proceedings have been dragging on for
months and will continue even longer, perhaps for years.  In the meantime, the petitioning teachers are out in the cold, without
employment or income and with only their hope, grown forlorn, I am afraid, in
the justice of this Court.

I can understand Justice Narvasa’s
concern over the disarrangement of the well-ordered system of judicial review
and the resultant heavy burden
that will be laid on the Court.  However,
I do not propose that we assume the role of the trier
of facts and encumber ourselves with the task of deciding the hundreds
of administrative cases being heard (or better heard)
below by the DECS or the Civil Service Commission.  I am not prepared at this point to say that
the Court should simply pronounce the dismissal of the petitioners as arbitrary
and to order their reinstatement with back salaries.  I would instead join Justice Padilla’s
suggestion that the teachers be ordered reinstated in the meantime, without
prejudice to their investigation in accordance with the prescribed procedure.

I am not unaware of the decision of the Court in the SSS case
prohibiting members of the Civil Service from engaging in strikes and similar
acts.  I submit, however, that this
ruling, assuming it to be correct, is no license for the authorities to treat
their employees with disdain and to flatly ignore their legitimate complaints,
with the expressed threat that
they would be removed if they should be so rash as to insist on their demands. 
In my view, that is what
Secretary Cariño has done.

Government workers, whatever their category or status, have as much right as any person in the land
to voice their protests against what they believe to be a violation of their
interests.  The fact that they belong to
the Civil Service has not deprived them of their freedom of expression, which
is guaranteed to every individual in this country, including even the
alien.  It would be ridiculous to even
suggest that by accepting public employment, the members of the Civil Service
automatically and impliedly renounce this
basic liberty.  This freedom can
at best be regulated only but never completely withdrawn.

When their first feeble complaints were not acted upon, the
teachers had a right to speak
loudly and more insistently, and
to show that their protests did
not come from only a disgruntled few but from a considerable number of them. 
They did this through their mass action in hopes that this way they
would be better heard and ultimately needed. 
They were not.  Instead, they were
threatened with dismissal and some were in fact dismissed.  In effect, they were told to shut up or face the consequences.  I regard the return-to-work order as merely secondary and incidental, for the
primary purpose of the DECS authorities was to break up the demonstration and
muzzle the demonstrators. 
Unquestionably, these individual teachers could not speak as effectively
in their controlled classrooms.  What the
Secretary sought was to deny the teachers the right to assemble and petition
the government for redress of their grievances on the sanctimonious excuse that
they were needed by their students.

I for one believe that the prohibition
of members of the Civil Service from striking – which, significantly, is not
found in the Constitution – requires a careful re-examination.  It is so easy, as the present case has demonstrated, to use it as a bludgeon to
silence complaint, however legitimate. 
Complaint is a weapon of the worker, and it is more effective if
manifested not by him alone but with his co-workers.  Under the present ruling, the workers in the
private sector may complain collectively and if necessary declare a strike to enforce their demands, but
this recourse is denied the public employees even if their demands are no less valid.  In this sense, the freedom of expression of
the civil servant is diminished and his right to improve the conditions of his
employment is correspondingly reduced, and only because he belongs to the
public sector.

It is so easy to say that the education of the youth should not
be disrupted but we should not forget that the protection of freedom of
expression is no less important.  Indeed, the quality of education would
deteriorate in an atmosphere of repression, when the very teachers
who are supposed to provide an example of courage and self-assertiveness to
their pupils can speak only in timorous whispers.  The classroom should be an incubator of
freedom, not fear.


Print

Clean
Clean

6 pt
6 pt
0
3

MicrosoftInternetExplorer4

/* Style Definitions */
table.MsoNormalTable
{mso-style-name:”Table Normal”;
mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0;
mso-tstyle-colband-size:0;
mso-style-noshow:yes;
mso-style-parent:””;
mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt;
mso-para-margin:0in;
mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt;
mso-pagination:widow-orphan;
font-size:10.0pt;
font-family:”Times New Roman”;}

Dissenting OPINION

Feliciano,
J.:

With regret, I find myself unable to concur in the majority
opinion.  I would associate myself with
the reasoning and conclusions (though not necessarily with all the adjectives and
adverbs) of the dissenting opinion of Gutierrez, J. as well as the
conclusions reached by Padilla and Sarmiento, JJ.
in their respective dissenting opinion.

Here I merely wish to underscore the constitutional issue which
appears to me to be raised in the instant case by the contraposition of, on the
one hand, the prohibition against employees in the public sector going on
strikes and, on the other hand, the rights of free speech and of assembly and
petition of those same employees.  In Social Security System Employees Association
(SSSEA) v. Court of Appeals
(175
SCRA 686 [1989]), the Court, through Cortes, J., pointed out that the
prohibition against strikes in the public sector is presently founded upon
Memorandum Circular No. 6, Series of 1987, of the Civil Service Commission
dated 21 April 1987, and indirectly and impliedly, upon Executive Order No. 180
dated 1 June 1987 which provides guidelines for the exercise of the
constitutional right of government employees to organize themselves.  The prohibition is not, in other words, even
statutory in nature but merely administrative or regulatory in character and the Court took explicit note of the absence of
legislation either prohibiting or allowing strikes, or even merely regulating
the exercise of a right to strike by government employees.  The policy embodied in that prohibition is
admittedly a legitimate and important one: 
to prevent or minimize the disruption and paralysis of the operations of
government, especially the essential services rendered by it to society at
large.  At the same time, that the rights
of free speech and of peaceful assembly and petition for redress of grievances
are at least equally important and critical for the maintenance of a free, open
and democratic polity, is not disputed by any one.

It seems to me that the majority opinion has considered the
administrative prohibition of strikes in the government sector as an absolute
given.  There appears no visible evidence
of an effort to explore the scope and limits of applicability of that
prohibition.  It would seem reasonably
clear, however, that we cannot semper et ubique
give exclusive relevance to that simple prohibition, that there are at stake
here also the competing public values and interests implicit in free speech and
peaceable assembly and petition, and that those rights too cannot be treated as
absolutes without any regard to the necessities of orderly and efficient
governance of a developing country with obviously finite resources.  The requirements of both desiderata
must be balanced, consciously, with realism and sensitivity, in particular situations such as that presented in
the instant case and points or lines of equilibrium drawn, however tentatively.[1]
My concern, and
this is submitted with great respect, is that in the instant case, the
Court has not sufficiently engaged in the required balancing operation and has
instead acted and spoken as if
the only societal interest involved is that of the government in the maintenance of its operations and
activities.  The teaching of school
children is obviously important, indeed fundamental.  Some of the leaders of some of the teachers’
organizations may be non-teachers and possibly professional agitators.  But the refusal to meet with and discuss the
pleas and grievances of the
genuine public school teachers
and the summary and mass disciplinary sanctions with which the respondent DECS
officials have responded may produce,
and appear in fact to have produced, the very stoppage and prolonged disruption
which Memorandum Circular No. 6 seeks to avoid.

There is, of course, no facile formula by which the competing
interests may be adjusted and balanced, one with the other, in very specific
contexts like the one here existing.  But
adjustments and compromise there must be. 
It seems to me very
difficult to suppose that government service may be rendered only at the cost
of foregoing the exercise (or, as Gutierrez, J. puts it, the effective
exercise) of the rights of free speech and assembly and petition.  To require civil servants in general, and
public school teachers in particular, to leave at home their constitutional
rights when they go to work, is to exact mindless conformity and ductility, no
matter how immediate, serious and
pervasive the problems and grievances may be, as the cost of serving the
Republic.  That those problems and
grievances may at bottom be
economic rather than political certainly does not change the legal
equation.  Such an exaction is not to be countenanced in our
constitutional system:  it imposes
oppressive costs upon the individual human spirit and intolerable burdens on
national development.

I vote to GRANT the Petitions.


[1]
There is at least tentative but perhaps growing recognition in our case law of
the need for a mode of judicial analysis which takes account of the differing
legitimate individual and social interests, reflected in constitutional and
statutory provisions or in general principles of law, competing for ascendancy
in particular disputes presented for adjudication (see, e.g., Zaldivar v. Gonzales, 166 SCRA 316 [1988]; Ayer Pty.
Ltd. v. Capulong, 160 SCRA 861 [1988]; Lagunzad v. Vda. de
Gonzales, 92 SCRA 476 [1976]; Separate Opinion of Castro, C.J. in
Gonzales v. Comelec, 27 SCRA 835 [1969]).

This kind of
analysis and evaluation seems an indispensable part of the intellectual effort
to reach rational decision whether judges acknowledge it or not, whether they
are aware of it or not.  In other
jurisdictions, the concept and practice of judicial balancing of constitutional
values are widely recognized; see Aleinikoff, Constitutional
Law in an Age of Balancing
, 96 Yale L. J. 943 (1987); Coffin, Judicial
Balancing:  The Protean Scales of
Justice, in The Evolving Constitution, 280 (Dorsen
ed., 1987).


Print

Clean

6 pt
6 pt
0
3

MicrosoftInternetExplorer4

st1:*{behavior:url(#ieooui) }

/* Style Definitions */
table.MsoNormalTable
{mso-style-name:”Table Normal”;
mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0;
mso-tstyle-colband-size:0;
mso-style-noshow:yes;
mso-style-parent:””;
mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt;
mso-para-margin:0in;
mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt;
mso-pagination:widow-orphan;
font-size:10.0pt;
font-family:”Times New Roman”;}

DISSENTING OPINION

GUTIERREZ, JR., J.:

In dissenting from
the majority opinion, I draw certain conclusions from the records which I feel
should guide any adjudication of the issues in these petitions.

My first conclusion refers to the denial of basic rights of an
indispensably essential segment of our society – the teachers who educate our
children.

The second refers to the cold hearted punishment which we allow
to be inflicted upon our poor school teachers. 
By skirting the fundamental issue involved, the Court is denying the
petitioners fairness, substantive due process, and simple humanity.  The so-called investigations which led to the
initial dismissals were a farce.  Instead
of 90 day preventive suspensions, the Department of Education, Culture, and
Sports (DECS) immediately imposed punitive dismissals with no semblance of
rudimentary due process.  All other civil
service employees undergoing investigation are reinstated after ninety
days.  Our teachers have been out of work
for more than ten (10) months without income while still undergoing
administrative investigation.  The
suspension is indefinite if not permanent.

Patience has its limits. 
There are times when even the most constant and dedicated public
servants must give vent to their feelings and express their grievances at an
unfeeling and inept bureaucracy which seems to be incapable of attending to
their officials needs.  Professional
agitators may have infiltrated the teachers and muddled their demands with such
outlandish calls as the closure of foreign military bases, a cap on the
payments of foreign debts and other issues not pressingly relevant to
teachers.  But the basic demands
are legitimate and few.

Teachers need a decent living wage, one in keeping with the
dignity and worth of their profession. 
Not only are their salaries unbelievably low but payment is often
unreasonably delayed.  When the national
government gives a little increase, a corresponding amount is reduced from the
city share.  Teachers have to beg for
allowances to be restored.  The latest
examples are the PERA adjustments.  As of July 12, 1991,
most employees of the government had received and spent their PERA
allowances.  Our public school teachers were still waiting.  Whatever the payment signifies – salary,
bonus, allowance, and even retirement or death benefits – the last one to
receive what all government employees are entitled to, is the public school teacher.  It is no small wonder that thousands of
school teachers swallow their dignity and accept employment as domestic
servants overseas.  I am not aware of any
government program which seeks to reverse the new definition of
“Filipina” as a domestic servant of foreigners whose education is
often lower than that of their maids. 
Neither am I aware of any determined effort to see to it that school
teachers always get their salaries, allowances, and benefits on time.

I mention the unconcern because it is what forced the petitioners
to engage in mass concerted action.

We agree that employees in the civil service may not engage in
strikes, walkouts and temporary work stoppages like workers in the private
sector.  (Social Security System
Employees Association v. Court of Appeals,
175 SCRA 686, 698 [1989]).  Employment in
the Government is governed by
law.  Government workers cannot use the same weapons employed by workers in the
private sector to secure concessions from their employers.  The terms and conditions of employment are
effected through statutes and administrative rules and regulations, not through collective bargaining
agreements.  (Alliance of Government
Workers, et al. v. Minister of
Labor and Employment, 124 SCRA 1, 13 [1983]).

The above rulings remain good
law.

In the first place, if this Court uses the word “strike”
to describe what the petitioners staged, it tends to unfairly color and
prejudge their case.  “Strike”
becomes a pejorative epithet that leads to a certain result not so much because
of facts but because of its semantic connotations.  The teachers were in the main not asking for
terms and conditions greater than those accorded
by law.  Their basic demand was to be
given on time what the law already provides for them.  It was only after certain elements penetrated
their ranks and in the heat of the peaceful assembly that such demands as
closure of military bases and laws increasing salaries formed part of the
leaders’ statements.  The concerted
action was more of a peaceful assembly, an exercise of speech by a gathering,
not a strike.

In the second place, when Government is deaf, when bureaucracy
denies to our teachers the timely payment of the pittances provided by law,
should any ban still be enforced?  And
enforced in a peremptory and oppressive manner? 
Should not the most basic freedom of speech and assembly in these
particular cases outweigh all considerations which ban strikes by civil service
employees?

We agree with Justice Cardozo in Palko v. Connecticut, 302 US 319
[1937] that freedom of speech is the matrix, the indispensable condition of nearly
every other form of freedom.

We have cited with approbation Justice Brennan’s stressing a “profound national commitment to the
principle that debate on public issues should be uninhibited, robust and wide
open and that it may well include vehement, caustic, and sometimes unpleasantly
sharp attacks on government and public officials” (New York Times, Co. v.
Sullivan, 376 US 254 [1964])

Teachers have legitimate and pressing grievances.  When Government consistently fails to act on
these grievances, the teachers have a right to speak in an effective manner.  For speech to be effective, it must be
forceful enough to make the
intended recipients listen.

I view the issue in these cases as more transcendent than the
simple one of whether or not public school teachers may go on strike.  To me, the issue is the freedom to
effectively speak.  When the members of a
noble profession are demeaned by low salaries and inattention to their needs,
surely their freedom to speak in a manner and
at a time as is most effective far outweighs
conventional adherence to orthodox civil service rules on proper conduct and
correct behavior.

My other point has to do with an anomalous investigation
procedure and considering the nature of the offense, what is tantamount to
cruel punishment.

I gather from the records and the majority opinion
that the cases of individual teachers are still being investigated and may be
the subject of appeals to the Civil Service Commission.

If that is so, I cannot understand why the petitioners remain
suspended up to the present.  They should
have been reinstated after 90 days of preventive suspension.  It is axiomatic that civil service employees
and even elected officials cannot be preventively suspended for more than 90
days (Section 42, P.D. 807; Deloso v. Sandiganbayan, 173 SCRA 409 [1989]; Doromal
v. Sandiganbayan, 177 SCRA 354 [1989]).

If the suspension is preventive, it has lasted too long.  If punitive, it is illegal and violative of due process.

There are anywhere from 800 to 2,000 teachers involved – perhaps
even more, once the unwieldy procedures of DECS can arrive at accurate figures.

On October 8, 1990,
the Department Secretary constituted an investigating committee of four, repeat,
four members to act on the formal charges.

Three days later, on October
11, 1990, the DECS found
20 teachers guilty and dismissed them. 
On December 3, 1990,
658 teachers were dismissed, 40 were suspended for one year, 33 for 9 months,
and 122 for six months.  There were 398 exonerations.  I understand there were scores who had to
hurriedly look for medical certificates that they were “sick” while
hundreds were urged to cringe and grovel with humiliating mea culpas.

Even if the
investigating committee or committees were staffed by supermen and superwomen,
it is inconceivable that 658 capital sentences of dismissal could be made in so short a time.  Any
officer who has conducted an honest
to goodness administrative investigation cannot but conclude that the
procedures which were followed violated the norms of fair play and due
process.  The decisions were the products
of pre-judgment based on perfunctory paper investigations.  Surely our public school teachers deserve
better treatment.

If subsequent to the sentences of dismissal, the teachers were
properly served with summons, given time to secure the services of competent
counsel, allowed to defend themselves and cross-examine witnesses against them,
punished on the basis of reasoned decisions stating the facts and the law, and otherwise given their
rights to due process, the
initial illegal actions should be set aside and the teachers reinstated in the
meantime.

Considering the circumstances which led the teachers to engage in
mass action, the penalty of dismissal is too grave.  It is punishment which is cruel.

The officers and men of
the Armed Forces who started a coup at the Manila Hotel were punished by being
made to do a few push-ups.  The coup
attempt in December, 1989 was almost successful.  And yet, only the officers are meted
significant punishment.  The enlisted men
are readily pardoned.  I see no reason
why similar treatment cannot be given our public school teachers.  Their only offense was to speak out in an
effective manner against studied neglect.

Even if all requirements of due process in administrative
investigations are followed and the evidence points unerringly to guilt, a
public school teacher should not be meted out a penalty harsher than a few
months suspension.  In Labor Law,
dismissals are imposed only against a handful of leaders who committed acts of
violence or instigated illegal strikes. 
(De Ocampo, Jr. v. NLRC, 186 SCRA 360 [1990])
As earlier stated, the word “strike” under Labor Law should not be
used in pejoration to denigrate a peaceful assembly.

I repeat that equitable considerations call for compassion.  Public school teachers are the most
hardworking, uncomplaining, easy
to satisfy, and dutiful segment
of our public service.  They are also the most underpaid
professionals with a take home pay
of a little over one hundred pesos a day*
which is the income of an unskilled laborer. 
They deserve justice and compassion.

CONSIDERING THE FOREGOING, I vote to GRANT the petition, to set
aside the questioned orders of the Secretary of Education, Culture, and Sports,
to order reinstatement of the petitioners, and to direct the payments of their
salaries and backpay.


*
A Manila public school teacher with several years of
service gets P3,102.00 basic salary and P802.92 allowances every month but an
average of P615.00 is also deducted for income taxes, medicare,
GSIS insurance, and other mandatory deductions. 
A new teacher receives only P3,102.00 with the  same kinds of deductions.


Print

Clean
Clean

6 pt
6 pt
0
3

MicrosoftInternetExplorer4

/* Style Definitions */
table.MsoNormalTable
{mso-style-name:”Table Normal”;
mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0;
mso-tstyle-colband-size:0;
mso-style-noshow:yes;
mso-style-parent:””;
mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt;
mso-para-margin:0in;
mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt;
mso-pagination:widow-orphan;
font-size:10.0pt;
font-family:”Times New Roman”;}

DISSENTING OPINION

PADILLA, J.:

The majority opinion has compressed the issue to whether there has been a denial of
due process to the teachers, disregarding althogether
the constitutional right to peaceably assemble and petition the government for redress of grievances (Art. III, par. 4 Bill
of Rights of the 1987 Constitution).
 
But even limiting oneself to the issue of denial of due process, the
majority opinion asserts that it is not ripe for adjudication by the Court in the exercise of its review jurisdiction
because the issue involves questions of fact. 
But why then does the majority opinion proceed to declare/recognize the mass action of the teachers as
illegal?  Does this not constitute a
categorical finding of fact leaving the dismissed or suspended teachers without
any other recourse?

Due process prior to
termination
or suspension consisted of, according to the majority opinion,
the following –

“On the record, what did happen was that, based on reports
submitted by the principals of the various public schools in Metro-Manila, the
respondent Secretary of Education had filed motu propio administrative
complaints against the teachers who had taken part in the mass actions and
defied the return-to-work order on assorted charges
like grave misconduct, gross neglect of duty, gross violation of the Civil
Service Law, absence without official leave, etc., and placed then under 90-day
preventive suspension.  The respondents
were served copies of the charge sheets and given five (5) days to submit answer or explanation.  Later, on October 8, 1990, the respondent
Secretary constituted an investigating committee of four (4) to determine and take the
appropriate course of action on the formal charges and designated the special
prosecutors on detail with the DECS to handle their prosecution during the
formal hearings.

On October 11, 1990, the respondents
Secretary of Education rendered the first of
his
now-questioned decisions on the administrative complaints.  In Case No. DECS 90-002, he found twenty (20) respondent teachers guilty of
the charges proferred against them and dismissed them
from office, effective immediately.  In the other investigations that
followed and as of December 3, 1990, 658 teachers were dismissed, 40 were
suspended for one (1) year, 33 for
nine (9) months, and 122 for six
(6) months, 398 were
exonerated.” (pp. 4-5)

It is to be noted that
the above proceedings took place in a charged atmosphere. 
Objective and dispassionate appraisal of the merits of each case could hardly
be expected in such a setting.

“Whenever a governmental body ????? so as to injure an individual,
the Constitution requires that the act be consonant with due process of
law.  The minimum procedural requirements
necessary to satisfy due process depend upon the circumstances and the
interests of the parties involved.  As
stated by Mr. Justice Frankfurter concurring in Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee
Committee v. McGrath, 1951, 341 U.S. 123,
163:

‘Whether the ex parte procedure to which
the petitioners were subjected duly observed ‘the rudiments of fair play’, . . . cannot . . . be tested by mere generalities or
sentiments abstractly appealing.  The
precise nature of the interest that has been adversely affected, the manner in
which this was done, the reasons for doing it, the available alternatives
to the procedure that was followed,
the protection implicit in the office of the functionary whose conduct is
challenged, the balance of hurt complained of and good accomplished-these are
some of the considerations that must enter into the judicial judgment.’”[1]
(Underlining supplied)

The nature of the
hearings should vary depending upon the circumstances of the particular case.
[2] The consti­tutional guarantee of due process
means concurrence of substantive and procedural due process.  The narration in the majority opinion speaks
only of the latter, completely disregarding the substance of
petitioners’ claims. 
It would appear that dismissals and suspensions of the teachers were meted
out de rigor and in rapid succession, evidently in retaliation
for airing their grievances against the
government.  This
is not to suggest an elaborate procedural mechanism, but only fidelity to
the minimum safeguards untainted by arbitrariness and
undue haste.

In my view, the public school teachers are the silent and unsung heroes
of our society.  They deserve more
compassion, if not more understanding, when they break their silence to plead
and press for benefits they perceive have been unjustly denied them.  For it can not be overlooked that public
school teachers are terribly underpaid when related to the responsibilities
they discharge in moulding the character of our
youth.  The government should itself
undergo an introspective re-arraignment of its priorities and values
approaching the problem of how to treat the teachers with fairness and justice.

Denial of due process is an issue which is ripe for
adjudication right in this Court and in this case.  The petition should be granted and the cases
remanded
to the DECS for proper
re-determination of the culpability of each teacher, this time, in
an atmosphere compatible with due process.  Meanwhile, they should be reinstated pending
the outcome of such proceedings, including a recourse
by appeal to the Civil Service Commission.


[1]
Gillhorn, Walter; Bryse,
Clark; Strauss, Peter L. Administrative Law: 
Cases and Comments, 7th Edition, Foundation Press, 1979,
p. 430

[2]
Dixon vs. Alabama State Board of
Higher Education, United States Court of Appeals, Fifth Circuit, 1961-294 F 2d
150


Print

Clean
Clean

6 pt
6 pt
0
3

MicrosoftInternetExplorer4

/* Style Definitions */
table.MsoNormalTable
{mso-style-name:”Table Normal”;
mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0;
mso-tstyle-colband-size:0;
mso-style-noshow:yes;
mso-style-parent:””;
mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt;
mso-para-margin:0in;
mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt;
mso-pagination:widow-orphan;
font-size:10.0pt;
font-family:”Times New Roman”;}

DISSENTING OPINION

SARMIENTO, J.:

Like Justice Gutierrez; I
have difficulty concurring with the majority.

What I indeed find
apparent is that
a thousand or so of our countrymen will be out
of work because the Supreme Court can not supposedly try facts.

The duty of the Court, as
the Constitution expresses i
t,
is,
among other things:

… to
determine whether or not there has been a grave abuse of discretion…on the
part of any branch or instrumentality of the Government.[1]

It is a duty, so I
submit, from which the Court can not shirk on the handy excuse that it is being
made to try facts.  I submit that it is a
duty that often requires, precisely, a factual inquiry.

If we are being asked to
try facts, it is not the first time we would have been asked, and complied.  In Lansang v.
Garcia,
[2] we did satisfy ourselves that the facts
warranted an act
of the Executive.  We did go to great lengths to sift evidence.

The nagging fact (no pun
intended) is that apparently, we are not truly talking about “facts”
here.  The nagging fact, as Justice Gutierrez points out, is that the petitioners
have been under suspension for the last ten months, and the sole question,
apparently, is whether or not in the midst of this fact, Secretary Cariño acted arbitrarily.

I do not think that the
majority has understood enough the gravity of teachers’ condition.  As Justice Gutierrez points out, our teachers
have
long been the most
neglected, yet the m
ost forebearing
members of the public service. 
“[I]t [the Government’s
lack of concern] is what forced the petitioners,” according to Justice
Gutierrez, “to engage in mass concerted action.”
[3] I would like to add that maybe, the
Government had
it coming.

As the majority avers,
these cases are not all about whether the petitioners could have validly gone
on
a strike–that question has long been settled by
this Court–but rather, whether or not
they have been
given due process
as a result of investigations arising from the strike.  I submit that due process
is a perfectly legitimate issue
to debate in Court–an issue involving the mentors of the nation’s
children no less.

I also submit that it is
to trivialize the noblest profession, if it is not to trivialize the serious
crisis confronting the state of Philippine education, to dismiss these
complaints
as if it involved simple personalities demanding money.  If Cariño acted as if it were that, and as if it were
a matter alone of “they struck so I
fired them,” I submit that
we ought to know better.

The State assures education for all.[4]
It also gives priority to education, as an indispensable process in
nation-building.[5]
There is no harm in listening to our educators.

I therefore vote to grant both petitions.


[1]
CONST., art.  VIII, sec. 1.

[2]
Nos. L-33964, 33965, 33973, 33982, 34004, 34013, 34039, 34265,
34339, December 11, 1971, 42 SCRA 448.

[3]
Dissenting Opinion, Gutierrez, J., 3.

[4]
CONST., supra,
art.
XIV, sec. 1.

[5]
Supra, art. II, sec. 17.